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Until the left returns to itself

By Akiva Eldar
Ha'aretz Tuesday, May 8, 2001

Where do the Arabs find the chutzpa to oppose Jews living in the Ariel settlement cluster? What right do they have to fight against a new Ma'aleh Adumim settlement neighborhood for Russians whose grandparents (maybe) fasted on Yom Kippur? Haven't they heard of the right of return for every Jew, even half Jews, to come back to the homeland?

Sorry, we call it something else, the Law of Return. When the Palestinians refuse to give up the Law of Return, sorry, their right of return, most Israelis, including the "leftist" voters, get very angry. They're ready to "hand over" 97 percent of our historic homeland to Yasser Arafat, and at the moment of truth he demands leaving the gates of Jaffa open to millions of olim, sorry, Palestinian refugees. When Ehud Barak adamantly refused to recognize, even symbolically, the refugees' link to their homeland, their savage brothers picked up the gun. That's one of the explanations, if not the primary one, for the 41 percent of Meretz voters who, says the Steinmetz survey, support the Sharon government policies.

In order to understand, if not to justify, the institutional violence of the Palestinians, it's worth asking ourselves if any Israeli government would ever be able to sign a peace treaty that includes annulment of the Law of Return. Think of the scandal in the Florida Jewish community, where they prefer sending their kids to another vacation in Spain than on the risky trip to the Western Wall. And what would we say if our government were to agree that 3 percent of sovereign Israel were to be annexed to the Palestinian state; how many Israelis would vote for an agreement that left 30,000 Israeli civilians living in such annexed territory, permanent refugees in the state of Palestine, all to guarantee territorial contiguity for their neighbors?

From the Palestinian - and international community's - point of view, building a new Jewish neighborhood in Ma'aleh Adumim is the same as building a new Palestinian neighborhood in Haifa. But since the symmetry is irrelevant, one can make do with the following questions: What would we say if during negotiations over the final border, Yasser Arafat were to surround Ma'aleh Adumim with Palestinian villages, the way Barak did? Don't exert yourself. Yesterday, the Israeli authorities demolished a Palestinian house in Beit Hanina. True, it didn't have a building permit. Who among us would trade places with a Palestinian waiting in line for a building permit?

It's said Arafat has once again not missed an opportunity to miss an opportunity. True, if he had stuck to the theory of stages, he should have grabbed the deal, which seemed too generous to the Israelis, that Barak offered. According to Benjamin Netanyahu's book, Arafat would have then lined up his troops on the new border and using the salami method, force us slowly into the sea. But assume that Arafat is an incorrigible serial sucker. Does that mean that the only conclusion is that the "Peace Camp" should change its view of the Palestine Liberation Organization as the only partner for peace? Shouldn't the Al Aqsa Intifada be pushing forward the idea of a two-state solution, a fair deal for the refugees and a logical division of Jerusalem?

Instead of dealing with such difficult questions and find pragmatic answers to them, the Israeli left is pounding on the chests of the Palestinians, hurting them and themselves. Did the Palestinians really make a mistake when they picked up the guns? They learned that the Israel "left" really understands the language of force. After all, who built Kiryat Arba and who invented the Allon plan? Who used terror against the foreign occupier and who evacuated Sinai only after a bloody war? Until the peace proponents make use of the right of return to themselves, Sharon, Sharansky, Peres and Ben-Eliezer can laugh all the way to the new settlements.

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