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All the way from the sea to the river

By Amira Hass
Ha'aretz 05/30/2001


Since the publication of the Mitchell Commission report earlier this month, the Israeli public has been deliberating, without any sense of urgency, the question of freezing construction in the settlements. But this feeble debate must not be allowed to divert attention from the heart of the issue: the very existence of the Jewish settlement in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and Gaza Strip.The question is whether Israelis as a whole, most of whom still live within the borders of June 4, 1967, are ready to live as a normal people in a state with set boundaries, or whether they are prepared personally, emotionally and financially to mobilize for a lengthy war, so that the area of Israeli sovereignty be determined by the location of the settlements.

Israel's development of the settlements creates a geography of a single state, stretching from the sea to the Jordan River. Israel has been working on this particular geographic layout for over 20 years, but most insistently during the last decade, "the peace process years," by linking the settlements' roads, water and electricity systems to the infrastructure within the Green Line. Israeli society, sending more and more of its sons to defend the settlements, is thus replying to the question posed above: It is ready for the prolonged war over the right of the settlements to determine the state's borders.

But it is not only a question of borders. The fundamental question is whether the Israeli Jewish people, seeing itself as part of the West and competing in various European forums, believes in its ability to maintain, from the sea to the Jordan River, a regime that discriminates in its favor, merely because it is Jewish.

In the geographic territory on both sides of the Green Line lives another people.

Its development options are limited by a low-quality infrastructure, deliberately kept that way by Israel's governments since 1948. Its access to water and land resources is limited, compared to Jewish access, by laws (inside the Green Line) and military orders (outside the Green Line).

A Jew born in Jaffa can move to Ma'aleh Adumim. A Palestinian born in Jericho is not entitled to move to Jaffa, much less to set up a neighborhood of villas for himself and his friends on a mountainside in the Galilee. On the civil administration committees, which decide where and how to build roads for Jewish settlers, and when to send inspectors to find Palestinian trees planted on "state lands" - there are no Palestinian representatives.

A Jew from Beit El does not need a permit to travel to Jerusalem, while a Palestinian from neighboring Ramallah in ordinary times requires an Israeli permit to travel to East Jerusalem or Gaza, not to mention Tel Aviv, and nowadays may not even be able to go to Bethlehem. A Jew born in Marseilles and currently living in Neveh Dekalim can study at the Ariel College at any time. A Palestinian whose mother was born in Ashdod and now lives in the Khan Yunis refugee camp needs an Israeli permit to study at Bir-Zeit University or at al-Najah University in Nablus, and is not at all certain to get it.

Summer is at hand, and there is not one Jew in one settlement, nor in most of the towns inside the state of Israel, who needs to worry that the water in his pipes will dry up. The Palestinian neighbors of Beit El, Ma'aleh Adumim, Ma'aleh Hahamisha, Kfar Sava and Yad Hana are at the same time beginning to count the drops in their containers, because Israel sets quotas for Palestinian personal water consumption.

In this single-state geography, a Jew born in Tel Aviv or Moscow can live in a new residential neighborhood in Upper Nazareth.

A non-Jewish Israeli citizen, whose family's land in Nazareth was confiscated for that same Jewish neighborhood, will not manage to initiate and set up a new, Arab residential neighborhood in the outskirts of Ramat Aviv, because the "national land" cannot be leased to non-Jews.

True, he has the right to vote and fight for equal rights within the state.

But when the state itself does everything in its power to blot out the Green Line, why should the residents of Dir Hana, Sakhnin and Taibeh be expected to sanctify this line and present discrimination against themselves as something separate and different than the discrimination against the residents of Jalazun and Jabalya?

In this one-state geography there are two separate, unequal systems of laws and rights.

The members of one ethnic group are more privileged than those of the other community. The settlers' lobby is busily trying to convince the Israeli public that in any case, all Palestinians have their eye on the entire country.

The truth is that the vast majority in the Palestinian political organizations still support a solution of two states in the June 4, 1967 borders, leaving the task of democratization inside Israel to the Jewish-Arab Israeli society. However, this policy-making generation, which in the years before the closure learned to recognize Israel as a multi-dimensional society, is dwindling; a new generation is growing up, for whom the Israelis are all settlers and soldiers who aim to ensure - in the entire area from the river to the sea - not only their existence, but the superior position of their ethnic community, at the expense of the other community.

How long can Jewish-Israeli society protect its privileges in the single state

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