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Sharon's Palestine

By George Szamuely, NY Press 04/25/2001

So much then for the "Nixon Goes to China" thesis that Israel's champions trotted out to welcome the election of Ariel Sharon. Sharon was the only man who could do a deal with the Palestinians because no one would ever believe he was giving away the store. The argument was totally dishonest. The Sharon amen corner knew exactly what they were getting. That is why they were so excited.

Charles Krauthammer lamented that Israel could not go back to the "comparative nirvana of the pre-Oslo years-when Arab expectations were...low, and negotiations were about the margins." But perhaps with Sharon now at the helm the Arabs could once more be bullied into submission. The idea was that Sharon would put forward a "peace plan" so ludicrous the Palestinians would be bound to reject it. There would then be another armed uprising, which Sharon, unlike the pusillanimous Ehud Barak, would put down mercilessly. Then the Palestinians-crushed, humiliated and desperate-would have no choice but to accept the Sharon "plan."

This was the cheerful view of the future envisaged by William Safire: "For years, on a settlement hilltop, he [Sharon] would hang a map on a fence and show to visitors...his concept of a defensible Israel next to a contiguous state including virtually all the Palestinians on about half the West Bank. Sharon's potential proposal is not as dreamily self-defeating as the Clinton-Barak bridge to nowhere, but has this practical advantage the other never did: Sharon in power can now deliver what he promises."

This is splendid news. The Palestinians are to be stripped of half of the land that international law holds to be entirely theirs. The 1967 UN Security Council Resolution 242-adherence to which is still allegedly official U.S. policy-is unambiguous: "the fulfillment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include... [w]ithdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict." Not withdrawal from 50 percent, or 75 percent or 90 percent. And the resolution does not say: "from all territories occupied in the recent conflict with the exception of East Jerusalem because it is universally accepted that Jerusalem is the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel."

Sharon's and Safire's "Palestine" would occupy around 42 percent of the West Bank. It would have no territorial contiguity, since Israeli settlements, bypass roads and military checkpoints would run through it. It would have no borders, being completely encircled by Israel, and no control of border crossings. Its inhabitants would be little more than a source of cheap labor for the Israeli economy. Clearly this is what Sharon is seeking to achieve. Even before the launch of the attacks on the Syrian radar station in Lebanon and the tank and bulldozer invasion of the Gaza Strip, Sharon had been intensifying his military campaign against the Palestinians. He has accelerated the building of settlements. A little while ago his government issued tenders for 700 new housing units in the West Bank. He recently told Ha'aretz that there was no question of withdrawing the settlements.

Sharon has also said that he would never give up any of the Golan Heights to Syria or share sovereignty in Jerusalem. He has sabotaged the perfectly reasonable peace plan put forward jointly by Egypt and Jordan. This required Israel to withdraw its military forces from Palestinian civilian areas, lift its siege of the West Bank and Gaza and transfer the $54 million it owes the Palestinians in tax revenue. In return, the Palestinian Authority would seek to end the Palestinian armed resistance. Negotiations would resume on final status issues such as the future of Jerusalem. Needless to say, there would have to be a freeze on any further Israeli settlements.

Sharon dismissed this plan as a trick to "get Israel to negotiate under fire." Foreign Minister Shimon Peres demanded an immediate end to the Palestinian "violence and terror." In return, Israel would alleviate some of its repressive policies in the occupied territories. Only then would negotiations resume.

The Bush administration is going through a routine made familiar by previous administrations. It pretends to be upset at some fresh instance of Israeli violation of international law. A statement of mild criticism is issued. This, however, is immediately supplemented by far harsher criticism of the Palestinians. In fact, Secretary of State Colin Powell's alleged "rebuke" of Israel was largely an attack on the Palestinians. "The hostilities last night in Gaza were precipitated by the provocative Palestinian mortar attacks on Israel. The Israeli response was excessive and disproportionate. We call upon both sides to respect the agreements they've signed." This is consistent with the Bush administration's position that Palestinian resistance to Israeli military occupation is "terrorism" while Israeli violence is a "response to terrorism." Meanwhile, Israeli soldiers continue to pound away, using U.S. guns and helicopters. The assassination of Palestinian leaders goes on, as do the house demolition orders and the land expropriation measures. The administration would not dream of blocking sales of helicopter gunships and missiles. The $3 billion in foreign aid remains sacrosanct.

As for Sharon's withdrawal from Gaza following the Powell Statement this was no tail-between-his-legs flight. At the United Nations, as always, the United States acts as Israel's enabler. Recently, it vetoed a Security Council resolution that would have dispatched unarmed observers to the areas of conflict. Apparently, no one is to be allowed to take a look at Israel's entirely defensive "responses to terrorism."

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